Additional Persecution Likely
Translations from Delo Truda (1925–1926)
Zine #50—February 2026
Additional Persecution Likely is a series of short translated excerpts, along with contextual notes from the translators, from Delo Truda, a newspaper founded in exile by Russian and Ukrainian anarchists in the wake of the Russian Revolution.
Historical Background
Anarchist history is many things: it is the story of an idea, of a belief, of a feeling, of conflicting ideas and beliefs and feelings, of a form of hope. It is a genealogy of horizontal organizing methods. It is a chronicle of resistance, both nonviolent and violent. It is tragedy piled on top of tragedy. It is also a tradition of print culture.
We hope that this project—a zine about a newspaper that some displaced people published for a short time, a hundred years ago—might serve as some small contribution to this tradition. The newspaper we are translating and discussing, Delo Truda (Labor’s Endeavor), certainly did. It was founded in 1925 in Paris by exiled Ukrainian and Russian Anarchists in the wake of the Russian Revolution. These people had served prison sentences, fought in the Revolution, and escaped with their lives—and not much else—following the Revolution’s capture by authoritarian Bolsheviks.
Delo Truda was published in Paris for about a decade, and held a central role in the “Platformist” schism within European Anarchism. After one of its editors returned to the Soviet Union, the newspaper, under new editorial control, relocated to Chicago, then a center of immigrant anarcho-syndicalist organizing.
What we are presenting here is a reading of a few early issues of the newspaper, from 1925 and 1926. Together, the articles in these issues provide a snapshot of a world th
at existed for a flickering moment. While we are concerned here with the post-Revolution exile of Soviet Anarchists in the 1920s, it is necessary to first provide some context about the 1917 Russian Revolution itself. The Revolution was a chaotic period of shifting positions and political realignments, not a single event. Building on the bloody foundation of the aborted 1905 Revolution, the 1917 Revolution actually consisted of two separate revolutions (the February Revolution and the October Revolution), the collapse of the Russian Empire after its disastrous entry into World War I, and a resulting Civil War. The Revolutionary period concluded in 1921, with the victory of the Bolsheviks.
Prior to the 1917 October Revolution, the Bolsheviks had been just one of the many actors vying for, or against, state power. While their name translates to “the majority,” they represented the more marginal faction of the Russian Social Democratic Party (RSDP), which they awkwardly shared with the Mensheviks (“the minority”). The RSDP drew power from the Russian empire’s nascent urban working class. Their main adversaries on the left were the Socialist Revolutionary Party (The “SRs”), who emerged out of an older agrarian socialist tradition. After the defeat of the Tsar in the February Revolution, the SR leadership participated in the shaky Provisional government, which governed for just for a few months, until they were overthrown by the Bolsheviks in the October Revolution. Not all SR wings were interested in the Provisional government’s reformist approach: The Left SRs and the SR Maximalists pushed for socialization of all agrarian land, sometimes with polemics, other times with bombs.
Then there were the Anarchists. Anarchists had been active—and brutally suppressed—in Russia for decades, from the crackdowns following the 1881 assassination of Tsar Alexander II, to the turmoil leading up to the 1917 Revolutions. The thousands of Anarchists imprisoned throughout the Russian Empire’s carceral system were granted a reprieve in March 1917, when the Provisional Government granted amnesty to waves of political prisoners. These included two prison buddies who will become central to our story, Peter Arshinov and Nestor Makhno.
Three-hundred years of Romanov rule had ended spectacularly quickly, with the capitulation of a deeply unpopular autocrat, Tsar Nicholas II. However, monarchist forces (collectively called the Whites) continued to fight against the emerging Soviet Union even after the Bolsheviks killed the Tsar and his family. Eastern Ukraine and the Caucuses formed one of the main fronts against the Whites. An aspiring military dictator named Admiral Kolchak also held out with a White army in Siberia.
After his release from prison, Makhno made his way back to his hometown of Huliaipole in Ukraine. In 1918, he united loose bands of armed peasants to drive out the occupying Austrian army and their regional puppet government, as well as to hold the line against the nationalist Ukrainian People’s Army of Symon Petliura. The Insurgent Army of the Ukraine that coalesced around Makhno’s effective military leadership built on earlier agrarian organizing efforts. Unlike the structurally antisemitic nationalists, Makhno’s army included Jewish partisans. It also drew support from Anarchists in Ukrainian urban industrial centers like Kharkiv and Odesa, which were organizing their own structures through the Anarchist Federation of the Ukraine (known as Nabat).
The authoritarian Bolsheviks and anti-authoratarian Anarchists held inherently opposed ideologies. Further, the relationship between the centralized Communist government and popular Ukrainian movements existed within the longer context of the Russian colonization of Ukraine (which continues today in Putin’s War in Ukraine). However, for a brief moment, the Anarchist Insurgent Army of the Ukraine and the Bolsheviks had a common enemy: the southern forces of the Whites in the Civil War. The Bolsheviks did not have the military nor economic power to defeat the Whites, and needed the ferocious Ukrainian Anarchists. Makhno and his army were not interested in being governed by another band of Russians.
The Ukrainian Anarchists were also increasingly alarmed by suppression of Anarchist groups in Moscow, Petrograd, and other Soviet cities. Throughout the new-but-old empire, the Communist secret police, the Cheka, murdered and imprisoned Anarchists, Left SRs, and other revolutionaries not willing to fully accept the Bolshevik capture of the Russian Revolution. The Insurgent Army of the Ukraine came under brief command of the Red Army in 1920, and in return, the Bolsheviks agreed to release all Anarchists from Russian prisons and grant them a conditional freedom of speech, limiting their ability to call for the overthrow of the Bolsheviks.
In late 1920, the Insurgent Army won a significant victory against the White Army in Crimea, setting the stage for the Bolshevik victory in the Civil War. Immediately, the Bolsheviks set their sights on the-no-longer-needed Anarchists. The Red Army officers arrested and executed the Anarchist leaders of the Crimean victory. Trotsky sent the Red Army to Huliaipole to kill Makhno, the embodiment of Anarchist resistance, and annihilate the remnants of the Insurgent Army.
At the same time, the Bolksheviks, struggling to maintain their grip on the cities, escalated their repression of Anarchists and unaffiliated revolutionaries throughout the Soviet Union. The Civil War had caused widespread material deprivation across the Soviet Union, leading to strikes. In March 1921, Anarchist sailors at the naval base of Kronstadt rebelled, demanding equal rations for all working people, the loosening of strict economic controls, and the end of Bolshevik authoritarianism. Close to 50,000 people were shot or drowned in the icy Gulf of Finland as Trotsky suppressed the rebellion. A final, total, wave of persecution followed, crushing the last remnants of Anarchist organizing in the Soviet Union.
Many Anarchists did not survive the onslaught. Makhno and his remaining supporters fought their way across Ukraine to the Polish border. Makhno was severely wounded, but made it safely to the newly-founded Republic of Poland. While the politics of his stay there were complicated, he was spared deportation to the Soviet Union. Eventually, he, and many other veterans of the Ukrainian Anarchist insurgency made their way west to Paris.
Translators’ Introduction to: From the Group of Russian Anarchists in Exile
By the early 1920s, Paris was filled with Soviet refugees of all political backgrounds, including many Anarchists who were able to escape Bolshevik persecution. Two of these—Makhno’s old buddy Peter Arshinov, and Voline, a prolific Russian Jewish Anarchist writer who had recently been deported from the Soviet Union—soon started a Russian-language journal to serve the community, Anarchist Herald. Unfortunately, like many Anarchist publishing projects, Anarchist Herald was unable to sustain itself for too long before it fell apart.
In this publication’s wake, a group consisting of Arshinov, the Belarusian Jewish writer Ida Mett (born Gilman), and Makhno himself decided to start a new journal: Delo Truda (Labor’s Endeavor). The first issue was published in 1925 on Rue de Repos, across the street from the famous Père-Lachaise Cemetery. The tagline identified Delo Truda as “The Journal of Ungoverned Workers.” In the pages of the issue, the editors announced the new journal’s mission.
[Issue #1—June, 1925]
From the Group of Russian Anarchists in Exile
The publication of the Anarchist Herald by a federation of Anarchist organizations was interrupted due to a lack of resources after issue #7 in May, 1924.
The attempt to re-start the Anarchist Herald did not yield results.
Now, after a year-long break, The Group of Russian Anarchists in Exile is undertaking the publication of a new journal: “DELO TRUDA.”
The journal’s objectives are to:
Propagandize Anarchist ideas among the masses.
Highlight the theory and praxis of our movement.
Promote the cohesion and organization of Anarchist forces.
It goes without saying how important this work is for our Anarchist movement. If we suffer from anything, it is a weak connection with the laboring masses. This, in turn, can be explained by our overall disorganization, and by some contradictions in theory and praxis within our movement.
To all comradely organizations and individual comrades who are sympathetic to the launch of our project: We ask for your support, on a literary and material level.
The Group of Russian Anarchists in Exile
June 1, 1925
Translators’ Introduction to:
Greetings to “Delo Truda”
The emphasis on the “cohesion and organization” of the Anarchist movement in this statement gestured toward a coming controversy that would engulf the community around Delo Truda. Arshinov and others advocated for a highly-organized Anarchist federation. The idea was that this was the only way to be functional enough to compete with movements like the Bolsheviks and achieve revolution.
This position would eventually be articulated in the “Organisational Platform,” a manifesto published in Delo Truda in 1926. Other Anarchists-in-exile, like Voline, the Russian Jewish scientist and Anarchist Marie Goldsmith, and the famous Russian-Jewish-American Anarchist Aleksander Berkman (who lived in Paris after being deported from the U.S.), opposed the Platform. They argued that it betrayed the spirit of Anarchism, and ventured too close to Soviet Communism.
These discussions were not limited to the refugee circles of Paris. Anarchists from as far away as the American industrial Midwest were eager to participate. In 1926, “Delo Truda received a note of support from a group of Russian speaking workers in Detroit. The letter was accompanied by $28.50, collected at a party co-sponsored by the Anarcho-Syndicalist Union of Russian Workers (UORW).
A few years earlier, the UORW was one of the primary targets of the First Red Scare. UORW’s five Detroit chapters—along with branches in Akron, Chicago, Philadelphia, and New York— were raided, and thousands were arrested. UORW members made up a major share of the deportees on the SS Buford (alongside Berkman and Emma Goldman). Some made their way down to Ukraine to join Makhno’s army, while others were arrested almost immediately by the Cheka.
[Issue #9—February, 1926]
Greetings to “Delo Truda”
Detroit, Michigan, January 2, 1926
Dear Comrades!
We see that “Delo Truda” is currently the only Russian language expression of the idea of anti-hierarchical Anarchism. The resounding voice on the pages of “Delo Truda” is calling for the unity and congealing of all active Anarchist forces. Leaning on the bitter experience of the past, “Delo Truda” is pointing to the one path toward the actualization of ideas that would free all people of all kinds of arbitrariness and tyranny of the nation-state, power, and religion. We welcome the started work and wish for its success.
Our most pressing wish is to see our dear journal “Delo Truda” expanded, at least to 16 pages. If we are able to, we will continue to provide our moral and material support in the future. We hope that other comrades will follow our example.
We are enclosing $28.50 in support of “Delo Truda.” At the initiative of certain comrades, these funds were collected during a New Year’s party organized by the Russian Progressive Society and the Union of Russian Workers of Detroit (USA).
The following people contributed:
1 Dollar: M.M.; M.T.; A.G.; N.G.; N.U.; M.P.; V.B.; F.C.; M.Miak–1.35;
50 Cents: N.K.; A.M.; I.C.; C.T.; N.C.; M.P.; I.F.; A.D.; N.N.; I.C.; N.C.; E.G.; K.D.; D.T.; V.R.; A.Ch.; A.V.; O.Mac.; E.B.; M.T.; S.K.; M.K.; I.K.;
25 Cents: P.R.; K.I.
15 Cents: C.K.
Total: $28.50
Translators’ Introduction to:
A Chronicle of Persecutions
While Delo Truda’s editors and the newspaper’s readership were in Western Europe and the Americas, the paper’s primary focus was the Soviet Union. Arshinov, Makhno, and Mett were writing for a traumatized, displaced readership, who—like the editors themselves—had fought for the end of state-imposed tyranny, only to witness its re-animation at the hands of the Bolshevik Party.
By May, 1926, a campaign of mass imprisonments, executions and deportations had wiped out all organized opposition. Writing after their own expulsion from the Soviet Union, Berkman and Goldman noted: “the prisons of Russia, of Ukraine, of Siberia, are filled with men and women—aye, in some cases with mere children—who dare hold views that differ from those of the ruling Communist Party…the mere holding of opposing views makes you the legitimate prey of the de facto supreme power of the land, the Cheka...”
In “A Chronicle of Persecutions,” a recurring column in Delo Truda, the editors included updates about imprisoned Anarchists. The one translated below discusses the case of Ivan Charin, who was arrested at an Anarchist conference in Kharkiv in 1920.
While there were no competing leftist groups remaining in the Soviet Union by this time, the Bolshevik leadership was in chaos after Lenin’s 1924 death. Political instability created space for petty score-settling, which bubbled up across the Soviet Union. We’ll never know why the local government of Izhma in the Russian Northeast decided to come after a group of Socialists in 1926, or what kind of long-held grudge led to Zhulovsky-Zhuk’s northern exile.
What is clear from Delo Truda’s pages is the editors’ effort to document Bolshevik authoritarianism, and their commitment to political prisoners behind Soviet bars. In his call to arms in the column below, Makhno makes a very recognizable plea for material support for Anarchist and other left anti-Bolshevik prisoners.
[Issue #12—May 1926]
Russia
A Chronicle of Persecutions
In Izhma (Komi Oblast), on the ninth of March, Socialists and Anarchists were beaten by the local administration, with help from soldiers and others in plain clothes. Motive: The refusal of 7 Socialists to report to an even more remote location. Anarchists showed up to support them. The beaten Socialists were bound, loaded onto a sleigh, and driven away to Ukhta and another location. Additional persecution likely.
* *
In Moscow, Iosif Zhulovsky-Zhuk, a Socialist Revolutionary Maximalist, was arrested and exiled for three years to Veliky Ustyug. Zhulovsky-Zhuk is a former political prisoner and Revolutionary Collective member who fought the White government forces of Admiral Kolchak. He is the author of books burned by the Bolsheviks: “The Death of Nikolaevsk in Amur,” “Red Golgotha” (a remembrance of those executed during the days of the Hetmen), and so forth.
* *
The editors received word that Ivan Charin, currently in the medical ward in Butyrka Prison, is seriously ill. Due to tuberculosis, he has been bleeding from the throat for a week. His condition is extremely dangerous. His life can only be saved if he is transferred to a good sanatorium.
Comrades in Russia are calling for solidarity for the dying comrade and fighter, through a collection of funds in his name. Ivan Charin has been imprisoned by the Bolsheviks since 1920—from the moment of suppression of Anarchists and Makhnoviks by the Bolsheviks.
LET’S FORM A FUND IN SUPPORT OF IMPRISONED ANARCHISTS
Who among us does not remember the grand promise of the Russian Revolution during the October, November, December, and January days of 1917 and 1918?
We remember. We know those days, and the months and years that followed—even if we didn’t directly participate in the events, we know from the press of those carrying the idea of Anarchism.
The best Anarchist workers and devoted sons of the working people died on the front lines of this Revolution. With their devotion to the revolutionary cause they carried with them the forces of labor, to destroy the structure of bondage and replace it with a free society of equal workers.
Many of them died. The ones that survived, with their devotion to the endeavor of labor and its ideal, have fallen into the police paws of the triumphant Bolshevik Party. Some have been killed by this party; others have been sent to do Bolshevik hard labor, and are until this day languishing in the harshest conditions of imprisonment.
Many of our comrades sit in Bolshevik prisons and concentration camps five or six years after the end of their sentences, re-sentenced to additional punishments by the Bolshevik powers.
There are many comrades imprisoned by the Bolshevik nation-state that we simply don’t know anything about. We may hear from them today or tomorrow, or we must locate them ourselves. They are numerous behind Bolshevik bars.
We cannot wait another day. We must remember that one more hour of Bolshevik hard labor served brings our comrades closer to death. We must act on two fronts:
First, in the international revolutionary press, we must raise a campaign to free all Anarchists, Socialists, and unaffiliated revolutionaries, as well as the emancipation of revolutionary thought in Russia.
Second, we must organize material support for our jailed comrades, by staging collections, asking for aid, establishing enterprises, publishing subscription pages, and so forth.
The work of material support for our jailed comrades cannot be given to any one individual, no matter how highly they may put themselves. The work must be done by responsible Anarchist organizations.
Any active, sincerely committed Anarchist will try to be a part of the Anarchist movement, and to do the work from there, no matter how modest it may be.
There are three Anarchist organizations currently providing support to jailed comrades: The “Voice of Labor”—Buenos Aires (North America); The Anarchist Federation of North America (including the recently organized Anarchist Black Cross in North America), and the Group of Russian Anarchists in Exile (Europe). One should send support for jailed Anarchists to the addresses of these organizations.
So, to work, comrades.
Through our joint efforts, we will create a joint, and if possible, permanent support fund for our Anarchist comrades—fighters for a new world of free labor.
N. Makhno
Translators’ Introduction to:
Obituary of Max Altenberg
As Bolsheviks worked to destroy their opposition after the October Revolution, they charged Anarchists (and other leftists) with “belonging to unsanctioned underground groups,” “banditry,” or “conspiring against the Revolution.” These vague charges provided a legal justification for their detention, imprisonment, or execution.
In 2025, like in 1925, the Russian judicial system drags its targets through a tightly-orchestrated performance with a predetermined conclusion. Political repression has been on the rise since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. The courts have charged opposition activists with “attempted murder motivated by hooliganism,” “discrediting the Russian Armed Forces,” or the perennial favorite, “calling publicly for a terrorist action.”
Some anti-war activists were already committed anarchists or anti-authoritarians, like Aleksei Rozhkov, who set fire to a military recruitment center, or Alena Krylova who was charged with “establishing an extremist organization that was discrediting the government and provoking the police.” For many others, the invasion was a radicalizing moment. Either way the Russian carceral apparatus, inherited from the Russian Empire, via the Soviet Union, grinds on.
Arshinov ended his life in this system’s clutches, after foolishly trying to appease it. He publicly broke with Anarchism—and all of his friends in exile—with the publication of two anti-Anarchist pamphlets. In 1934, he returned to Moscow, where he worked as a proofreader and periodically published anti-Anarchist articles in the official Soviet newspaper,“Izvestia.”
It was not enough. Arshinov was once again imprisoned during Stalin’s Great Purge in 1937 for Anarchist propaganda, twenty years after he was freed from the same system by a Revolutionary decree in 1917. Shortly afterwards, he was shot.
His former friend Makhno died of tuberculosis in Paris in 1934, an old man in his 40s. Voline lasted a bit longer, surviving the war but dying of TB himself in 1945. Berkman committed suicide in France in 1936, as Goldsmith had done a few years earlier.
Mett was the exception, surviving another 40 years. She and her husband, Nicolas Lazarévitch, lived until the 1970s. Mett published extensively on the Soviet Union, including studies into the Soviet health and educational systems, and a firsthand account of the Kronstadt uprising. Lazarévitch never stopped campaigning for anti-authoritarians in the Soviet Union, including a fellow Belgian-Russian sometime Anarchist, Victor Serge. Lazarévitch and Mett remained politically active throughout their lives, even participating in the May 1968 protests in Paris.
Mett, unsurprisingly, had found Makhno very difficult to work with, and broke with him in the 1920s. One story, however, holds that Mett was kicked out of Delo Trudo for the crime of reactionary religious practice, after she lit a yahrzeit candle on the anniversary of her father’s death. Lighting “yahrtzeit” (Yiddish for “year’s time”) candles is a ritual practiced by many Jews, from the most Orthodox to the most Anarchistic, including the translators of this zine. In some ways, that’s what this whole project is: The lighting of a small memorial flame for some long-dead Anarchists who tried their best and died in exile (well, except Arshinov).
On that note, our final selection from the pages of Delo Truda is an obituary for a long-forgotten Polish Jewish Anarchist:
[Issue #12 —May, 1926]
Obituary of Max Altenberg
(aka Avenarius)
Died on April 18th, 1926 in Warsaw after a prolonged illness (tuberculosis) at 38 years of age.
Became active in the Anarchist movement as a young person. In 1908 he was arrested in Poland, sent to Kharkiv, and from there sent to Orel.
In 1914, jailed in Saratov, where he got sick. Since then, he has suffered from tuberculosis of the lungs. In 1917 he was freed by the Revolution.
Worked in the Anarchist movement in Saratov during the Revolution.
Left Russia in 1919 and was working in Poland. There, he was one of the active workers in the Anarchist and worker movements, and openly agitated against all political parties.
Fought until his last minute for the liberation of the working class and was held in high esteem by the Jewish working masses.
Translators’ Note
We have no interest in being objective. This zine is a partisan translation project: We are recovering the voices of Anarchists. We also don’t pretend that we come to the archive without the perspectives of our own lived, and inherited, experiences.
Oksana was born in Yessentuki, a town first established to support the Russian Empire’s violent occupation of the Caucuses. By the late 1800s, it transformed into a health resort, exploiting the area’s natural mineral springs. As a child, Oksana lived in Rostov-on-Don, a throughway for multiple Russian invasions of Ukraine because of its proximity to the border. During the Russian Civil War, Rostov saw battles between Anarchist detachments, the White Army, and the Bolsheviks. Today, the infrastructure of the invasion is plainly visible in the city’s military hospital and the Southern District Military Court, which hears terrorism cases.
After immigrating to the U.S., Oksana ended up in Coney Island, Brooklyn, which saw its heyday as a resort at around the same time as Yessentuki. Oksana’s early translation work consisted of navigating the post-welfare reform social services for her post-Soviet relatives.
Ben is a third-generation New Yorker. His paternal grandmother’s family ended up in New York City in the first place because they were displaced by the violence of 1917. His grandmother’s parents were Jews from a shtetl in what is now eastern Poland, near the Belarusian border. Ben’s great-grandfather deserted the Russian Army after being released from a German POW camp when Russia withdrew from World War I in 1917. His great-grandmother fled the genocidal wave of pogroms perpetuated against Jewish communities across Poland and Ukraine during the Russian Civil War. She spent the last years of her life in union-built co-op housing in Coney Island. Ben’s early exposure to the Yiddish spoken by this branch of the family was his first experience with multilingualism.
When we translate from Russian to English together, we go through four main phases (our roles in the process reflecting our backgrounds):
Oksana does an initial, direct translation of the text, moving it from the source language of Russian (her first language, the language of her home life) to the target language of English (her second language, the language of her academic and professional lives). While this translation is more sense-for-sense than word-for-word, it maintains the structure and much of the syntax of the original Russian.
Oksana and Ben go through the initial translation and the original text side by side, discussing word and phrase level issues of etymology, connotation, usage in other contexts, etc. At this point, we might reference external sources such as dictionaries, or historical works that include others’ translations of group and event names. It is particularly important, with a text like Delo Truda, that terms with specific political or organizational meanings be used consistently and intentionally.
Ben revises for style and voice, with particular consideration of differences between English and Russian sentence structure and style. The primary goal at this point is to evoke the overall tone of the original. This is the first pass where the sound of English is considered as much as the meaning of Russian. Accordingly, the text is revised toward American English vocabulary, idiom, and syntax.
Ben and Oksana go over the new, English piece together, reading out loud and revising for voice and cohesion.
Translation is a labor of making the illegible legible. We endeavor to carry meaning across space and time. So, to work, comrades.
Bibliography
Allison, Charlie. No Harmless Power: The Life and Times of the Ukrainian Anarchist Nestor Makhno. PM Press, 2023.
Асташин, Иван. “Я считаю, что спас людей: Интервью с одним из первых поджигателей военкоматов в России.” DOXA, December 27, 2022. https://doxa.team/articles/molotov-rozhkova
[Astashin, Ivan. ”I think I helped save some people: Interview with one of the first arsonists of military recruitment centers in Russia.” DOXA, December 27, 2022.]
Arshinov, Mahkno, Mett, eds. Delo Truda. Issue 1, June 1925. https://archive.org/details/DieloTruda/Dielo_Trouda__1_1925
Arshinov, Mahkno, Mett, eds. Delo Truda. Issue 9, February 1926. https://archive.org/details/DieloTruda/Dielo_Trouda__9_1926
Arshinov, Mahkno, Mett, eds. Delo Truda. Issue 12, May 1926. https://archive.org/details/DieloTruda/Dielo_Trouda__12_1926
Avrich, Paul. The Russian Anarchists. AK Press, 2005.
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Berkman, Alexander, and Emma Goldman, ‘Bolsheviks Shooting Anarchists’, letter, 7 January 1922 https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/emma-goldman-alexander-berkman-bolsheviks-shooting-anarchists
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Darch, Colin. Nestor Makhno and Rural Anarchism in Ukraine, 1917-1921. Pluto Press, 2020.
Goldsmith, Marie. “Organization and Party,” Plus Loin, March 1928. https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/maria-isidine-organization-and-party
Mett, Ida. Makhno in Paris, The Nester Makhno Archive, www.nestormakhno.info/english/personal/personal5.htm.
Mett, Ida. The Kronstadt Uprising of 1921. Theory and Practice, 2017.
Pirani, Simon, editor. Voices Against Putin’s War: Protesters’ Defiant Speeches in Russian Courts. Resistance Books, 2025.
Rickleton, Chris. “Russia’s Net Tightens Around Dissidents Sheltering In Kyrgyzstan,” Radio Free Liberty, July 17, 2023. https://www.rferl.org/a/kyrgyzstan-russia-ukraine-war-dissidents-targeted/32463479.html
Salinas, Cristina, and Kenyon Zimmer, eds. Deportation in the Americas: Histories of Exclusion and Resistance. Texas A&M University Press, 2015.
Serge, Victor. Anarchists Never Surrender: Essays, Polemics, and Correspondence on Anarchism 1908–1938. Translated and edited by Mitch Abidor. PM Press, 2015.
Solidarity Zone, “Alexey Rozhkov,” https://solidarityzone.net/alexey-rozhkov/
Voline. The Unknown Revolution, 1917–1921. PM Press, 2019. https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/voline-the-unknown-revolution-1917-1921-book-one-birth-growth-and-triumph-of-the-revolution.
Woodcock, George. Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements. Meridian Books, 1962.
About the Translators
Oksana Mironova was born in one collapsing empire and now lives in a different one. You can find her writing at oksana.nyc.
Ben Nadler is a writer working between New York City and Philadelphia, where he teaches college English. His most recent book, Prairie Ashes (American Buffalo Books, 2025) is an archivally-informed novel exploring the multi-generational afterlives of a union war fought in Downstate Illinois in the 1930s. More at bennadler.com